Thursday, August 18, 2011

Judicial Features in the 1962 ICJ Judgment of the Preah Vihear Temple Case

Cambodia and Thailand have been sporadically confronting each other—politically—in countless wars. The latest one started in 2008 right after Cambodia’s inclusion of Preah Vihear Temple, hereinafter labeled PVT, into UNESCO’s world heritage list in July 2008.[1] Though PVT was, after painstaking hearings and judgment, granted to Cambodia by ICJ in 1962, Cambodia asked the court to interpret the judgment again after three years in an armed conflict with Thailand.[2] Consequently, both Cambodian and Thai troops are now in the interim ordered to leave ‘Provisional Demilitarized Zone (PDZ),’[3] the decision which some Cambodians, including Mr. Sam Rainsy, find unsatisfactory or even ‘unfair.’[4] Therefore, this blog post aims to discuss judicial features of the 1962 case so as to determine legal concepts and principles supporting the judgment and to find out whether the 2011 request for interpretation should have been executed, or not.

The 1962 judgment decided on three points, the first one of which should be emphasized here. It was that PVT was in Cambodia’s sovereign territory.[5] Although of all the three verdicts there was none pertaining to which map the demarcation was based on, a huge proportion of the merits relevant grounded the ruling. Through analyzing the merits presented, a number of legal principles surface, rendering unambiguity of the triumph Cambodia has gained since then.

The first ground found was the fons et origo of the sovereignty over PVT and its locality, which had been laid in the Franco-Siamese frontier settlement in 1904—and generically those from 1904 to 1908.[6] Art. 1 of the treaty pointed to the watershed line in the Dang Rek as the frontier, and Art. 3 stipulated that the delimitation shall be done by the Mixed Commission, in which, incidentally, there were delegates and experts from all parties. While Art. 1 would have benefited Thailand, the court saw that Art. 3 clearly had the overriding authority since the former provided no more than a criterion but it was actually the latter that dictated the result,[7] which was that PVT was in Cambodia.[8] Thailand agreed on this logic[9] and even incorporated it into its own survey in 1934-1935[10] but still rejected in on an unacceptable ground.[11]

The question now is, “Can the Franco-Siamese agreement creating the Mixed Commission count as a legal basis?” Art. 38 of ICJ’s statute articulates implicitly that this sort of agreement does count as a solid ground,[12] and hence any genuine and uncorrupted result of the commission can too be counted.

Were the maps submitted by Cambodia to the court not those resulting from the work of the commission, as Thailand claimed? The claim, too, was rejected for the facts that those maps had been publicly used and shown as well as handed, especially, to many third parties, such as UK, Germany, Russia, and US.[13] Therefore, the maps—collectively known to be the Annex I map—were not frauds.

Other legal concepts encountered in the judgment also include recognition, estoppel and acquiescence as well as prescription, all of which supported the plaintiff.

Recognition is acceptance by a state—even if it is implied.[14] Thai delegates, by their conducts, implicitly in many cases recognized everything about the Annex I map.[15] More obviously, Thai authorities themselves did explicitly show their acceptance,[16] but they then claimed errors in the process leading to their recognition. For one thing, Thai officials contributing in the work of the commission had been “minor,”[17] and hence cannot be held accountable for the Annex I map. For another, Thai side was not aware that PVT was, in the map, in Cambodia at the first place. The court rejected those pleas. Evidently, Prince Davawongse, the Foreign Minister, Prince Damrong, the Ministry of Interior, and many other Siamese commission members were not at all minor.[18] Also, according to the court, it was a common rule of law that a claim for error cannot be counted when the party claiming it had contributed to the error itself.[19] The court figured the fact that PVT was pinpointed in the maps to be in Cambodia could not have been missed by any party. What was more ironical was that Thailand itself in 1937 even produced a map of its own, placing PVT in Cambodia.[20]  Therefore, Thailand’s recognition of Cambodia’s sovereignty was eligible and undeniable for the case.

Seen through the eyes of an international law expert, Shaw (2004) explained that a part of Cambodia’s victory in the case owed it to Thailand’s estoppel.[21] After the recognition, there was, inter alia, a time that a Thai prince paid an official visit to PVT area while French flag was very visible on the temple. The act showed that Thailand officially acknowledged French sovereignty over PVT. As Shaw put it, “Thailand was estopped by its conduct from claiming that it contested the frontier in the temple area.” Thailand cannot after recognition disproved its own claim.

In addition, Thailand in many occasions, though it could, did not put forward any inquiry pertaining to the Annex I map between the parties from the time it was created until 1958.[22] During this time, when Thailand had the opportunity to conclude the 1925 and 1937 Treaty of Friendship with France, it could have actually revised the Boundary Settlements of 1893, 1904 and 1907, but it did not. Also, Thailand as aforementioned conducted a survey on its own in 1934-1935 in the region, bringing up no question on the issue. These, according the legal concept of acquiescence, dictate that Thailand accepted the fact in favor of Cambodia.

Furthermore, basing on the legal principle of prescription which is “the acquisition of title by a public, peaceful and continuous control of territory,”[23] The facts that Cambodia from 1904 until 1958 did not experience any strong objection or protest from the Thai side, which could have undermined the prescription process, and that Cambodia during that time publicly, peacefully, continuously and sovereignly ruled the area meant that Cambodia could be legally entitled to PVT.

All of these above factual and legal features of the 1962 judgment suggested most of all that PVT together with its vicinity belongs to Cambodia. It is not disputable. Yet, even to the current Cambodian government, it still remained questionable; therefore the government recently in 2011 asked the court for the interpretation, which is personally seen to be unnecessary and even not a smart move. Firstly, it is crystal clear that PVT is in Cambodia’s territory and under Cambodia’s sovereignty. Secondly, the request for interpretation seemed to leave an impression that Cambodia, who was the victor, was not sure of its victory in 1962. Thirdly, it gave Thailand another chance to be able to entertain the issue, exploiting it for its own internal political benefit. Fourthly, it allowed Thailand to attach further complications to the subject, leading to no advantage but only disadvantage for Cambodia. Fifthly, it drew much of domestic focus to that one direction, availing little political attention for other important issues, such as corruption, increased price of oil, and the like.

The interpretation was done, and expectedly, the result is not satisfactory. For one thing, the PDZ, inter alia, was established not on any legal basis but on generic straight lines, as articulated in paragraph 62 of the court order.[24] For another, the PDZ includes also PVT, which again, is not disputable. Even though the order is temporary, Cambodia should not be obliged to pull its own troops from its own undisputable territory—not even for one minute. It would have been acceptable to exclude PVT.

All in all, the situation is very clear now that Cambodia has all the legal supports and that the request proved unsatisfied. Therefore, instead of the request for interpretation, Cambodia should have requested the court to enforce the 1962 judgment so as to stop Thailand’s aggression through the United Nations—as laid down in the UN Charter[25]. The issue would have been much simpler and more effective that way.


[1] BBC, ‘Q&A: Thailand-Cambodia Temple Dispute’ (18 July 2011) accessed 28 July 2011
[2] BBC, ‘Thai-Cambodian Troops Must Leave Preah Vihear Temple’ (18 July 2011) accessed 28 July 2011
[3] Ibid.
[4] Khmerization, ‘Sam Rainsy: ICJ Decision Raises the Status of a Thief to the Same Level as the House Owner’ (18 July 2011) accessed 28 July 2011
[5] Case Concerning the Temple of Preah Vihear (Cambodia v. Thailand), Merits, Judgment of 15 June 1962: I.C.J. Reports 1962, p.34
[6] Ibid, p.16
[7] Ibid, p.17
[8] Ibid, p.21
[9] Ibid, p.22
[10] Ibid, p.27
[11] Ibid, p.22
[12] The Statute of International Court of Justice, Art. 38
[13] Supra, p.23
[14] Malcolm N. Shaw, International Law (5th edition, Cambridge University Press 2004) 437
[15] Supra, p.24
[16] Ibid, p.26
[17] Ibid, p.25 & p.28
[18] Ibid, p.25
[19] Ibid, p.26
[20] Ibid.
[21] Malcolm N. Shaw, 439
[22] Supra, p.27
[23] Rebecca M.M. Wallace, International Law (Sweet & Maxwell Limited 2002) 94
[24] Request for Interpretation of the Judgment of 15 June 1962 in the Case Concerning the Temple of Preah Vihear (Cambodia V. Thailand), Order of July 18, 2011: I.C.J. para. 62.
[25] The United Nations Charter, 1945, Art. 1.

Wednesday, May 4, 2011

Brave New Means of Expression: Cambodia

There have been a lot of debates on Karel Vasak’s classification of human rights as to whether civil & political rights are the first generation of rights instead of socio-economic ones and vice versa. On this matter, liberal thinkers especially in the West have been accused of prioritizing rights such as those to free expression and to a fair trial over the fundamental rights such as rights to food and adequate housing. However, it is acknowledged that socio-economic rights are mostly used by authoritarian elites merely as a façade over their intimidations and oppressions on citizen’s freedom. Therefore, it is the civil and political rights that shall be paid much attention on, relatively, because, according to Kaufmann (2004), improvements of those rights have positive links to those of the others.[1] Being aware of this, liberals around the world have been trying to endorse the first-generation rights in their societies and beyond, specifically by employing and also aiming first for the freedom of expression and then others in spite of so much suppression from governments. Below are some insights of Cambodian’s freedom of expression and threats, followed by unconventional channels of expression that people in the country have increasingly been using.

In Cambodia, people’s right to free expression has been perpetually “undermined.”[2] It is where expression in conventional manners through books, leaflets, newspapers, demonstrations, and even songs are very intimidated as long as the contents are against the government. There have been many cases in which book authors were arrested and journalists were shot to death, and ordinary people do not dare to speak out their mind on the topics of politics, corruption, land grabbing and even facts in their own history in public. “Stop speaking, or else, you might simply vanish.” This is a common warning sentence often heard in abrupt ends of any conversation about politics in daylight public. That is because political intolerance is high, and so is the likelihood of people being arrested and sued by the government on the ground of defamation only because they expression doubts. Self-censorship has become a tradition, both on personal and professional level.

People in general as well as those in the country, however, have become equipped with new ways and a new tradition of expression. The now non-conventional channel of expression is cyber social media. Its significance has grown dramatically in less than a decade. A study done by Box Hill Institution shows that now there are more than 400 million Facebook users, and the average Facebookers, shall they be called, spend almost an hour everyday on the site, posting a huge amount of information and sharing up to 1.5 million contents on each day.[3] The study also tells that the number of Tweet per day has increased drastically from just 50,000 in 2007 to the staggering 50million in 2010. To a regional level, a study conducted recently by Asian Knowledge Institute using Google’s Insight for Search illustrates very intriguing facts about Asia. While there is an overwhelming number of cyber surfers in the continent compared to others, Thailand is the world’s third country with biggest growth of Facebookers.[4] At the same time, Google also indicates that there is, like never before, immensely growing interests in social media in Cambodia.[5]

Cambodia is a place where the Internet is a luxurious service and only most available in the city. The number of Internet subscriber was only 173,675[6], and the number of Cambodia Facebookers is around 250,000[7].  However, all the aforementioned statistics represent not only the freedom but also the power of expression of ordinary citizen here in an unprecedented scale. Even though being used primarily as cyber arenas for “recreation”[8] and even though there is an on-going attempt from the government to regulate the internet,[9] social media has become, to a huge extent, the freest channel, in terms of both the cost and the liberty, for expression.

Unlike in most western countries, people in Cambodia can never ridicule politicians in the ruling party or depict those people in any insulting formats through conventional channels, no matter how true the information is. Recently, there has been a case in which a World Food Program officer was arrested only because he “spread information to others to read.”[10] He merely shared a printed page from an anti-government website, www.ki-media.blogspot.com, to one of his fellow co-workers. Through Facebook, Twitter and, has never been done before, through Wikileaks, even though people have to use fake names or anonymity, people can express whatever they want and share it with their friends. There is interestingly quite a number of people who have been saying extremely harsh words against the government and the leaders. There is a bigger amount of people who have openly said things they otherwise would not say in public. There are people who through Facebook support the opposition party and its politicians while they would not openly reveal so offline. There are also people who publicly announce their support for the opposition party leader; for example, Miss. Theary C. Seng, who is a strong liberal, supports Mr. Sam Rainsy by having his picture as her profile picture until he is allowed to come back to the country without unfair imprisonment—on a border issue. There is too a handful of people who has revealed a lot of the government’s secrets in conventional ways, and they were strongly condemned. However, there has not yet been in Cambodia an enlightened hero like Bradley Manning.

With ever expanding network in social media, more and more people can be reached and hence the freer people become in expression. From this point forward, more and more Cambodia people can better let the world hear their views and concerns. With more liberal education and more wide spread internet coverage, it is believed that they can better express themselves politically and be a part in running their country.


[1] Kaufmann, D. (2004). Human rights and governments: The empirical challenge. New York University, School of Law: New York.
[2] Human rights organizations (2010). Cambodia gagged: Democracy at risk? Report on freedom of expression in Cambodia. Retrieved March 18, 2011 from http://www.cchrcambodia.org/English/add_report/reports/foex_briefing_note_eng.pdf
[3] Box Hill Institute. (2010). Social media statistics & facts 2010. Retrieved Thursday 10, 2010 from http://www.youtube.com/boxhillinstitute#p/u/30/gQ0wFqNfu7A
[4] Pornwasin, A. (2011, March 08). Thais love Facebook, study by AKI shows. The Nation, p. 6A.
[5] Google Insight for Search. (2011). Cambodia, 2004-present. Web search interest: Facebook.
[6] Ministry of Posts and Telecommunication, Cambodia (2011). ICT development in Cambodia: Challenges, strategies, future. Retrieved March 18, 2011 from http://www.rupp.edu.kh/conference/jcaict/Symposium6Jan2011.pdf
[7] Social Baker (2011). Cambodia Facebook statistic. Retrieved March 18, 2011 from http://www.socialbakers.com/facebook-statistics/cambodia
[8] Saray, S. et al. (2011). Cambodia communication review. Retrieved March 18, 2011 from Cambodian Economic Review’s website, Social media here more social than political: Research, http://www.voanews.com/khmer-english/news/Social-Media-Here-More-Social-Than-Political-Researcher-116817728.html
[9] Kok, A. (2009). Cambodia drafts law to regulate internet. Retrieved March 18, 2011 from Asia Pacific Future Gov’s website, http://www.futuregov.asia/articles/2009/jan/20/cambodia-drafts-law-regulate-internet/
[10] Thet, S. & Strangio, S. (2011). UN staffer jailed for ‘anti-government’ materials. Phnom Penh Post, Sunday December 19, 2010. Retrieved March 18, 2011 from http://www.phnompenhpost.com/index.php/2010121945494/National-news/un-staffer-jailed-for-anti-government-materials.html